We know from history more than 50 cases where conflict was prevented by communication. Here are some examples:
An Iroquois village showing longhouses
The member tribes of the Iroquois Confederacy, which lasted over 300 years, gave up warring with one another. The revered peacemaker-prophet named Diganawidah is reputed to have drawn an analogy between the families of a longhouse living harmoniously under one shared roof and the tribes of the confederacy living in unity and peace under the law.
Scandinavia
A dispute between Finland and Sweden over the strategically located Åland Islands was resolved through mediation. The Åland Islands remain a demilitarised and neutral area. The five Nordic Nations, Norden, have not engaged in war with one another since 1815.
Moral Re-Armament in India (1967 – 1972)
Following India’s independence in 1947, the North East of the country was plagued by a series of secessionist uprisings. In 1956 the struggle for an independent ‘Nagaland’ by indigenous peoples turned violent, and even the promise of full statehood within India did little to quell the uprising. In 1965 another armed movement was launched, this time in the Mizo Hills area.
In October 1967 the beleaguered General Secretary of the APHLC, Stanley Nichols-Roy, attended a dinner in New Delhi organised by members of Moral Re-Armament (MRA). Extremist factions within Nichols-Roy’s party were becoming more aggressive in their agitation for statehood and increasingly hostile towards him, accusing him of weakness and of being ‘too soft’ on the issue. In the eyes of many commentators, there was a real risk that the APHLC would be hijacked by these extremists who would lead the party down the path towards violence. However, around the dinner table that night, listening to hisMRA hosts, Nichols-Roy began to hear how non violence can work, how it has been used elsewhere to resolve conflicts and how MRA were willing to help him, if he would let them. He was intrigued. MRA had already gained a reputation around the world for its pioneering work in industrial and interclass relations and so when they invited Nichols-Roy and other key officials to the opening of their centre in Panchgani, in nearby Maharashtra state, he readily accepted.
The profound change in Nichols-Roy and many others, which ushered in a new level of cooperation with the Assamese leaders and the Indian government, finally paid off. On April 2nd 1970 the new state of Meghalaya (‘Abode of the clouds’) was born. At the official inauguration of the state, the Indian Express wrote: ‘Since the Meghalaya formula emerged there has been little tensions between the people of the hills and of the valley. The birth of “Abode of the clouds” seems to have generated a climate of goodwill what few believed possible even a few months ago. For many people, the role of MRA was clear. B.P. Chaliha said: ‘MRA has transformed the climate of Assam. That is a fact.’ Even Nehru agreed, saying that they had ‘abated the hate in the Hills.’
The Holy See in Argentina and Chile (1978 – 1984)
The Beagle Channel, a strip of water that bisects the southernmost tip of South America, had been the source of tension between Argentina and Chile for over 100 years. Both countries claimed it as theirs, and fighting had flared up on more than one occasion. At stake were several small islands and their maritime extensions (30,000 square miles) with possible fishing and oil rights. In 1971 both countries decided to submit the issue to arbitration at the International Court at the Hague. The verdict gave the islands to Chile, while Argentina retained the navigation rights to its naval base in the channel.
Papal Nuncio, Pio Laghi, who had already been following the unfolding events, asked President Videla whether a three-way direct communication between Videla, Pinochet and the Pope would persuade the parties not to go to war. Videla reasoned that it might work and so Laghi immediately set about contacting Rome. On December 23rd at 10am, on the day of the planned invasion, Pope John Paul II notified both sides that he was sending his personal envoy, Cardinal Samore, to speak with both sides. Argentina pulled back its ships and reopened its borders, only hours away from war. Samore’s goals were to persuade both sides to (a) refrain from using force to resolve the dispute, (b) arrange for the military situation to revert to the status quo ante (c) resume dialogue, and (d) work towards a settlement.
The treaty awarded the islands in dispute to Chile but the maritime boundary was tailored to accommodate Argentinean concerns. Both countries also agreed to promote economic ties. In evaluating the impact of the Papal intervention, commentators have noted that by 1984, the domestic situation in both countries had changed considerably and that this may have been one of the most important factors for the resolution of the conflict. For instance Argentina had made the transition from military dictatorship to a democracy. This change had a significant effect on the way in which the talks developed, as military men were replaced by civilians. In Chile, the country became increasingly isolated, more so after 1982 when Pinochet dismissed the entire cabinet and replaced them with his military cronies. Chile, then, was desperate for a foreign success. However, even if we accept this argument, it should not be overlooked that during the six years of negotiations, peace was maintained during some very rough times.
In a final analysis, then, the talks may have been critical not only for their pivotal role in helping reach a settlement through direct mediation but also for buying enough time – keeping the peace for long enough- to enable the political climate in each country to change to allow for the settlement to take place.
The Mediation Network in Northern Ireland (1995)
In Northern Ireland few issues are as explosive as the annual Protestant parades and in particular those carried out by the Orange Order and its members. Named after the Protestant King William III, the Dutch Prince of Orange, who defeated the Catholic King James III at the battle of the Boyne on 12th July 1690, the Orange Order have used parades as a symbol of their Protestant/British identity for over 200 years. Since the late 1960s when the violence in Northern Ireland (popularly known as ‘The Troubles’) began, the international spotlight has focused on the annual parades which over the years have been marked by violence.
As tensions continued to escalate, Brendan McAllister, Director of the Mediation Network, which was established in 1991 with the aim of promoting a culture of third party intervention in conflict, was invited by the RUC Assistant Chief Constable to help undertake some crisis mediation. McAllister agreed and brought on board another member of his team, Joe Campbell. By this time there were an estimated 10,000 Orange Order supporters gathered around the church in Drumcree. McAllister and Campbell immediately set to work, visiting representatives of the Orange Order, the GRRA and the RUC. McAllister and Campbell had visited all the main stakeholders in the conflict, had carried messages and facilitated face-to-face discussions between many of them and had offered their advice and analysis, it was late Monday night, and tensions remained dangerously high. Running battles had punctuated the tense stand-off as Protestants tried to break through the police barricades. Nearby shops and houses were attacked and police had fired plastic bullets into the crowd. Protestant emotions were further heightened by speeches given by prominent Unionists David Trimble and Ian Paisley, with Paisley telling the crowd that there was ‘no turning back’. By dawn the next morning the situation had deteriorated even further. A deputy chief constable (DCC) informed the mediators that there were disturbances throughout Northern Ireland and warned that the manner in which the stand-off was concluded would directly affect the situation at the other ‘flashpoints’ throughout the region. Meanwhile an olive branch was offered by the leader of the GRRA – Brendan McKenna who announced that if the parade went ahead the Catholic protesters would allow themselves to be physically removed from the streets by the police.
McKenna addressed the crowd with news of the compromise. A scaled-down march – without its band and with only one flag – would proceed silently down Garvaghy Road. The Orange Order had also agreed to re-route their parade the following day, on the 12th July. In return future marches would require the consent of the residents. McAllister went on to encourage the protesters to engage in a ‘dignified silent protest’ by the side of the street, which to the surprise of many, they did. After 40 hours of deadlock the march took place. Only a thin line of police officers was needed to separate the two groups. The widely anticipated violence did not occur. The work of the Mediation Network had lasted 16 hours and as Joe Campbell notes, ‘this was the first formal recognition of mediation as a way of resolving community disputes.’ McAllister is quick to point out that, despite the success of their work, it did not result in a durable peace. Indeed, in 1996 the issue flared up again and has done so every July since. In their eyes, what is needed is process-focused peace work rather than event driven peace. Inspired by Mennonite conflict expert J.P. Lederach, members of the Mediation Network believe that it is important to think in generational terms when working for peace, for which building long term relationships based on respect and dignity is the key.
Ghana (1994 – 1996)
The principal cause of tension between the various ethnic groups in the north of Ghana revolves around the rivalry between those groups with a paramount chief (predominantly Muslim) and those without, known as acephalous or ‘headless’ groups (whose leadership is predominantly Christian). Traditionally land ownership, and by extension, political authority, is vested in paramount chiefs and is held on behalf of the ethnic group to which the chief belongs. However, only four of the 18 ethnic groups in the north of the country have paramount chiefs.
In an attempt to help bring peace to the area, a network of development NGOs known as the Inter NGO consortium (INGOC) – originally created to co-ordinate the humanitarian response to the conflict – invited the Nairobi Peace Initiative (NPI) to bring its expertise to bear on the situation in Ghana. Since 1991 NPI had gained a considerable reputation in mediation and training in several countries, and was keen to help in whatever way possible. NPI Director Hizkias Assefa and Program Officer Emmanuel Bombande began a series of extensive field trips in order to understand more fully the nature of the problem. They met with as many of the actors as possible including the local people whose lives had been so severely dislocated by the violence. In doing so, in actively listening to the stories told by the people, the NPI team not only gained a valuable first hand insight to the problems faced by the groups in the region but, importantly, gained their trust and respect.
By the fourth Kumasi workshop it was clear that all parties were actively seeking a real and lasting peace. After several days of intense negotiations the ‘Kumasi draft agreement on peace and reconciliation in the northern region of Ghana’ was initialled by delegates from the various ethnic groups. It was agreed that the accord would be taken to all the towns and villages so that it could be discussed and ratified by the communities rather than just by the elites. Using this ‘bottom up’ approach it was felt that the people themselves would ‘own’ the peace, rather than have it thrust upon them. On March 30th 1996 after a final Kumasi workshop had integrated and amended the document in light of the suggestions made by the people themselves at the public meetings, the final document was signed, signalling an end to the hostilities amongst the groups in Northern Ghana.
Lebanon (1999)
One of the most virulent strains of the Lebanese civil war began in 1982 around the Mount Lebanon region and in particular the district known as the Shouf. This area – the southern end of Mt Lebanon – had over recent years become dominated by an Islamic community known as the Druze while a Christian group known as the Maronites1 controlled the larger Kesruan and Metn regions to the north. With the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982 the Christian Lebanese Forces (then allied to the Israelis) attempted to take control of the Shouf, fuelled by an old confrontation between the Maronites and Druze over land and political control of the region. In the last major confrontation between the two groups in 1860, 12,000 Christians were slaughtered, aided by Ottoman troops. To this day, some Lebanese Christians still talk bitterly of the madhabi al-sittin, the massacres of ’60 and the Druze of the long Maronite domination since Lebanon’s independence.
In 1999 the Lebanon Conflict Resolution Network (LCRN) decided to run a workshop on reconciliation and conflict resolution for members of both villages. LCRN was established in Beirut in 1996 in order to ‘disseminate the knowledge and practice of conflict resolution, with the aim of strengthening national reconciliation, civic peace and stability in a culture of peaceful problem solving.’ By 1999 it had grown to include a network of over 30 Lebanese NGOs and its activities had broadened in scope to include producing publications, training and hands-on mediation. LCRN’s methodology focused on three core stages: (1) re-establish lines of communication between the two villages; (2) instigate trust building measures; and (3) launch a series of joint projects to increase cooperation amongst the parties.
The joint environmental project began in January 2000 and ran for four months. During this time other sections of both communities became involved, first younger school children, then elders and finally municipal leaders. Importantly, the municipal leaders offered to pay all the costs of the reforestation program, sending a powerful message to both youth groups and to their own communities that cooperation between the villages was possible. In May the joint committee ran a firefighting public awareness day which attracted over 80 people from both villages. The workshop and subsequent environmental project were the first of its kind involving the youth from the two villages and marked the beginning of a new era in their relationship. Furthermore the youth group continue to work together and have even organised several social events – again another first in almost 20 years. The work has also generated considerable local and national media attention, which LCRN members hope has shown other Lebanese villagers what can be achieved.
(Conflict resolving stories collected by Oxford Research Group at https://www.peacedirect.org)
